Emotional Intelligence
đ Healthy brain food
"For better or worse, intelligence can come to nothing when emotions hold sway."
â Daniel Goleman, Emotional Intelligence (1995)
Introduction
| Emotional Intelligence | |
|---|---|
| Full title | Emotional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter More Than IQ |
| Author | Daniel Goleman |
| Language | English |
| Subject | Emotional intelligence; Psychology; Self-help |
| Genre | Nonfiction; Popular psychology |
| Publisher | Bantam Books |
Publication date | October 1995 |
| Publication place | United States |
| Media type | Print (hardcover, paperback); e-book |
| Pages | 352 |
| ISBN | 978-0-553-09503-6 |
| Goodreads rating | 4.1/5 (as of 6 November 2025) |
| Website | randomhousebooks.com |
đ Emotional Intelligence is Daniel Golemanâs 1995 synthesis of psychology and neuroscience arguing that abilities such as self-awareness, self-management, empathy, and social skill can matter as much as IQ for life outcomes.[1] It builds on the academic construct first defined by Peter Salovey and John D. Mayer (1990) and helped bring the idea into the mainstream for general readers.[2][3] Structured in five parts that move from âThe Emotional Brainâ to âEmotional Literacy,â it mixes case studies with accessible reporting on brain science and school/workplace programs.[4][5] Reviewers noted the bookâs clear, engaging style and âhighly accessibleâ survey of research.[5][6] Goleman reports that the book spent a year and a half on The New York Times bestseller list, sold over five million copies, and appeared in about forty languages.[7] Its influence has endured; in 2011, Time named it one of the â25 Most Influential Business Management Books.â[8]
Chapter summary
This outline follows the Bantam Books hardcover edition (October 1995; ISBN 978-0-553-09503-6; 352 pp.).[4][1]
I â The Emotional Brain
đŻ 1 â What Are Emotions For? Charles Darwinâs 1872 treatise The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals sets the chapterâs frame: emotions evolved as adaptive âimpulses to action,â not as noise. The chapter details hard-wired physiologyâanger shunting blood to the hands for grasping or striking, fear routing blood to the large leg muscles to prime a sprint, surprise lifting the eyebrows to widen the visual field, and joy quieting worry circuits while restoring energy. These fast shifts ride on the limbic system beneath the neocortex and act in milliseconds when a threat or opportunity appears. In everyday scenesâa parent jerking a child back from a curb, a driver braking before awareness catches upâthe same circuitry outruns deliberation. Because these reflexes are coarse, they can misfire under symbolic modern stressors, producing outsized reactions to slights, deadlines, or ambiguous cues. The chapter introduces âemotional memory,â which tags experiences with value signals that guide decisions before conscious analysis completes. The aim is not to mute feeling but to align it with reason so ancient survival gear serves present goals. Taken together, these pages set up the bookâs skillsâself-awareness, self-management, empathy, and social skillâas ways to turn feelings into usable information. Emotional intelligence, in this sense, is the capacity to sense and shape rapid affective signals so thinking does its best work.
⥠2 â Anatomy of an Emotional Hijacking. At New York Universityâs Center for Neural Science in the early 1990s, Joseph LeDoux mapped fear learning in rats and traced a quick âlow roadâ from the sensory thalamus to the amygdala during tone-and-shock conditioning. That shortcut launches a rough first-draft appraisalâfreezing, heart pounding, and a hormone surgeâbefore the slower, more precise cortical âhigh roadâ can finish its analysis. Once tripped, the amygdala recruits the hypothalamus, pituitary, and adrenal glands to flood the body with adrenaline and cortisol, while the locus coeruleus sprays norepinephrine through the brain. The chapter links this cascade to everyday blowupsâroad rage, sharp words at work, sudden tearsâthat feel as if something else âtook over.â Prior emotional memories sensitize triggers, so present cues that rhyme with past hurts can ignite outsized reactions. The patternâan âamygdala hijackââoften ends with remorse after arousal subsides and perspective returns. High arousal weakens prefrontal oversight, narrowing attention and biasing perception toward threat; training attention to early cues and practicing recoveryâbreathing, reframing, brief time-outsâkeeps the reflex from running the show. In this light, emotional intelligence is the know-how to notice a hijack in real time and restore balance between limbic urgency and executive control. Integrating the amygdalaâs rapid warningsânot obeying them blindlyâturns them into data that sharpen judgment rather than distort it.
II â The Nature of Emotional Intelligence
đ§© 3 â When Smart Is Dumb. In October 1990 at J. P. Taravella High School in Coral Springs, Florida, a 16-year-old honors student, Jason H., brought a kitchen knife to class and stabbed his physics teacher, David Pologruto, after a grade he believed threatened his ambitions. A judge later ruled him temporarily insane, and he eventually graduated as a valedictorian at American Heritage School in Plantation, Florida. The incident, covered by Florida papers and the wire services, frames the question of how measurable intellect can coexist with catastrophic judgment. The narrative turns to neurologist Antonio Damasioâs University of Iowa casesâmost notably âElliot,â whose ventromedial prefrontal damage left IQ intact but wrecked planning, decision-making, and everyday prudence. Without emotionâs âsomatic markers,â options feel flat, analysis bloats, and choices skew toward impulse or paralysis. Across schools and workplaces, examples show bright people derailed by brittle impulse control, thin empathy, and poor stress tolerance. Standard tests miss these capacities even though they govern persistence, collaboration, and self-management under pressure. Practical behaviorsâdelaying gratification, reading social cues, and recovering from upsetsâforecast outcomes better than small differences in IQ. The larger point is that intellect without emotional competence becomes a liability in complex life, while emotional intelligence supplies the signaling and self-regulation that let the prefrontal cortex steer behavior.
đȘ 4 â Know Thyself. In the early 1990s, University of New Hampshire psychologist John D. Mayer outlined three ways people attend to their feelingsâself-aware, engulfed, and acceptingâwork he circulated with Alexander Stevens in a 1993 paper on the âmeta-experience of mood.â The chapter next introduces alexithymia, the label Harvard psychiatrist Peter Sifneos coined in the early 1970s for patients who struggle to name or distinguish their emotions. A clinical vignetteââGary,â an emotionally bland surgeon described in the literatureâshows how technical competence can coexist with a muted inner radar for oneâs own states. Research by Ed Diener and Randy Larsen on affect intensity explains why some people ride tall emotional waves while others move through low swells. The text contrasts âmonitoringâ and âbluntingâ under stress, drawing on Suzanne Millerâs Temple University measures that use situations such as airplane turbulence to test attentional stance. Self-observation is framed not as brooding but as an âevenly hovering attentionâ that notices cues before they harden into reactions. With that stance, moods can be labeled as they arise and their bodily markersâtight throat, shallow breathing, clenched jawâspotted early enough to choose a response. Naming what is felt loosens its grip and steadies decisions in work and relationships. Self-awareness is the base skill on which the rest of emotional intelligence is built because it turns rapid limbic signals into information the prefrontal cortex can use.
đ„ 5 â Passion's Slaves. At the University of Alabama, Dolf Zillmannâs experiments across the late twentieth century showed how high arousal and a sense of endangermentâeven a mere insultâprime angry impulses and keep the body on a hair-trigger. Fieldwork on emotional labor, including Arlie Hochschildâs bill-collector studies, shows jobs that require a hard, cool tone. Diane Tice and Roy Baumeisterâs 1993 contribution to the Handbook of Mental Control catalogs mood-repair strategiesâexercise, distraction, reframing, taking spaceâand which ones shorten distress versus prolong it. Lab tests of catharsis, including Mallick and McCandlessâs 1966 study, find that âletting it outâ tends to intensify anger rather than drain it. Redford Williamsâs Anger Kills (1993) adds low-tech leversâcounting to ten, breathing, time-outsâthat cool the cascade before words or fists do harm. Anxiety gets similar treatment: Lizabeth Roemer and Thomas Borkovec describe worry as a repetitive loop that sustains arousal, while protocols in David Barlowâs clinical handbook teach exposure and relaxation to break it. For depression, Susan Nolen-Hoeksema documents the trap of rumination and gender patterns in mood regulation, and meta-analyses show cognitive therapy can help many climb out. Ed Diener and Randy Larsen tie everyday well-being to the balance of positive and negative affect, emphasizing frequent small uplifts. The chapter reframes temperance as interrupting spirals before they narrow judgment; emotional intelligence means catching early signs, choosing a counter-move, and letting prefrontal oversight retake the wheel.
đ§ 6 â The Master Aptitude. In a lab task that became famous, psychologist Walter Mischel posed a simple dilemma to four-year-olds: take one marshmallow now, or wait until the experimenter returned and receive two. Follow-ups into adolescence linked those early choices with later outcomes, including standardized test performance and teacher and parent ratings of coping and attention, underscoring that resisting impulse is foundational to emotional self-control. The chapter shows how emotion can either clog or clear cognition, with distress hijacking working memory while well-harnessed feeling sharpens focus. Using experience-sampling diaries from secondary-school students, it contrasts low achievers, who studied about fifteen hours a week at home, with high achievers, who studied roughly twenty-seven; the latter reported the âflowâ of absorbed attention during 40 percent of study time versus 16 percent for the former. Flow functions as a practical lever: when challenge and skill match, motivation and persistence rise, and effort compounds into mastery. Tempering moods, delaying gratification, sustaining enthusiasm, and finding entry to flow all serve the same endâkeeping attention and effort aligned with long-range aims. In this framing, self-regulation and self-motivation operate like a control system for every other competence, enabling talent to become performance.
đ± 7 â The Roots of Empathy. The chapter returns to âGary,â a brilliant but alexithymic surgeon whose fiancĂ©e, Ellen, feels unseen; his difficulty naming his own emotions carries over into missing hers. It then turns to Harvard psychologist Robert Rosenthalâs Profile of Nonverbal Sensitivity (PONS): brief videotaped scenes of a young woman expressing feelingsâfrom loathing to gratitudeâwith specific channels (face, body, or voice) systematically masked so viewers must decode the remaining cues. Tested on more than seven thousand people across the United States and eighteen other countries, higher PONS performance tracks with being better adjusted, more popular, and more outgoing; women, on average, score higher, and a childrenâs version with 1,011 participants ties empathic acuity to popularity and emotional stability, independent of IQ or SAT results. Developmental observations place empathyâs beginnings in infancy: nine-month-old âHopeâ cries when another infant falls; by fifteen months âMichaelâ brings a teddy bear and then a security blanket to a crying friend. Early âmotor mimicryâ fades by about two and a half years as toddlers recognize the otherâs distress as distinct from their own and shift toward comforting acts. The practical lesson is that empathy depends on attention to nonverbal channelsâtone, posture, gaze, and timingâand on access to oneâs own feeling states. When self-awareness is thin, social perception is dulled; when it is steady, the social radar sharpens and relationships improve.
đ 8 â The Social Arts. A domestic vignette sets the tone: five-year-old Len, frustrated with two-and-a-half-year-old Jay over a jumble of Lego blocks, lashes out; comfort, apologies, and guidance turn the moment into a lesson in handling feelings between people. With that base, the chapter maps âpeople skills,â showing how self-management and empathy combine into relationship competence. Paul Ekmanâs âdisplay rulesâ illustrate how culture shapes expression, from Japanese students masking distress while watching a graphic film in the presence of an authority figure, to everyday coaching of children to âsmile and say thank youâ despite disappointment. The text then traces âemotional contagion,â from a battlefield story of monks whose calm defused a firefight to experiments where the mood of a more expressive person quietly shifts a partnerâs state within minutes. Ulf Dimbergâs facial-EMG studies reveal split-second mimicry of smiles and frowns below awareness, while John Cacioppo describes the moment-to-moment âdanceâ of mood synchrony. In classrooms, Frank Bernieri finds that tighter nonverbal coordination between teachers and students goes with higher rapport and more positive feelings. These findings converge on a simple takeaway: emotions move through channels we barely notice, and skillful interaction means managing the exchangeâwhat we send, what we catch, and how we steer it. Set the emotional tone well, and influence follows; misread or leak negativity, and even high intellect stumbles in social life.
III â Emotional Intelligence Applied
đ 9 â Intimate Enemies. The chapter opens on shifting American divorce risks across cohortsâabout 10 percent for couples wed in 1890, roughly 30 percent by 1950, and a fiftyâfifty chance by 1970âframing why newlyweds in 1990 face greater odds unless they can handle conflict skillfully. At the University of Washington, John Gottman videotaped couples during brief problem-solving talks while tracking physiology, then followed them for years to see who stayed together. Contempt proved especially toxic: its facial âdimplerâ cue reliably raised a partnerâs heart rate by two to three beats per minute and forecast health complaints for the spouse on the receiving end, from frequent colds and flus to gastrointestinal problems. A striking marker was frequency of disgustâfour or more flashes within a fifteen-minute exchange often preceded separation within four years. The pattern tends to escalate through criticism, contempt, defensiveness, and finally stonewalling, where one partner âgoes blankâ and withdraws. Because high arousal narrows attention and hardens hostile attributions, couples need deliberate de-escalatorsâsofter openings, specific complaints, brief time-outs, and genuine validationâto regain perspective. Differences seeded in childhood play and peer culture, including gendered norms for talking about feelings, later shape these conflict styles. Contempt and withdrawal drive sympathetic arousal, which in turn fuels more contempt and withdrawal; emotional intelligence means noticing early cues, naming the feeling, and steering back to solvable issues before the cycle locks in.
đŒ 10 â Managing with Heart. In December 1978 an airliner approaching Portland, Oregon circled while the captainâMelburn McBroomâfixated on a balky landing-gear indicator; his intimidated crew watched fuel drop toward empty but stayed silent, and the aircraft crashed, killing ten people. The case became a mainstay of cockpit safety courses, which now stress crew resource practicesâspeaking up, active listening, and mutual monitoringâbecause a large share of crashes involve preventable human errors when teamwork fails. The chapter then turns to ordinary workplaces, where the costs of poor emotional climate are less dramatic but show up as mistakes, missed deadlines, and turnover. A 1970s survey of 250 executives captured a prevailing belief that jobs demanded âheads, not hearts,â a view undermined once global competition and information technology flattened hierarchies in the 1980s. Harvard Business Schoolâs Shoshona Zuboff describes the shift from the âjungle-fighterâ boss to leaders who can read a room, hold difficult conversations, and build commitment. Practically, that means critiquing behavior rather than character, pairing honest feedback with specific next steps, and organizing work so challenge and skill match enough to invite flow rather than anxiety. Because high stress impairs working memory and judgment, teams perform best when leaders set a calm, clear tone that reduces unnecessary arousal. Emotional intelligence in management is the blend of empathy and assertiveness that gets people alignedânot merely compliantâaround a common goal.
đ©ș 11 â Mind and Medicine. A clinic vignette sets the stakes: a routine urine test, the word âcytology,â and a patientâs attention collapses into fear, illustrating how illness tilts cognition toward alarm. The chapter then tracks psychoneuroimmunologyâs evidence that the brain and immune system talk through hormones and nerves, and that mood can nudge vulnerability. In a prospective study run by Sheldon Cohen of Carnegie Mellon with the Common Cold Unit in Sheffield, England, healthy volunteers were assessed for life stress, given nasal drops with a cold virus, and quarantined; 27 percent of the low-stress group developed colds versus 47 percent of the high-stress group. Cardiovascular data show similar links: at Duke, Redford Williams found physicians who scored highest on hostility in medical school were seven times more likely to die by age fifty; at UNC, John Barefoot tied hostility scores to the severity of coronary lesions. After a first heart attack, Stanford researchers followed 1,012 patients for up to eight years and found the most aggressive and hostile men had the highest rate of a second attack; a Yale cohort of 929 survivors tracked for up to ten years showed the easily angered were three times more likely to die of cardiac arrest (five times if they also had high cholesterol). Harvard data added a temporal twist: among more than fifteen hundred heart-disease patients, being angry more than doubled the risk of a cardiac event for about two hours. Depression and anxiety worsen adherence and outcomes, but brief, humane changes in how clinicians relateâclear language, empathy, attention to moodâimprove satisfaction, compliance, and in some studies recovery. Sustained distress primes stress hormones, dampens immunity, and strains the heart, while emotional skills and social support can buffer that load.
IV â Windows of Opportunity
đ 12 â The Family Crucible. In a low-key domestic scene, five-year-old Leslie tries to play a new video game while her parents, Carl and Ann, fire contradictory instructions; tears come, and neither adult notices, turning a simple lesson into a lesson about feelings. The vignette shows how parental responses teach âemotional rulesâ about attention, criticism, and comfort that children carry forward. At the University of Washington in the 1990s, John Gottman and Carole Hoovenâs meta-emotion work contrasted dismissing, laissez-faire, and disapproving styles with âemotion coaching,â in which adults name the feeling, set limits, and help a child problem-solve. Diana Baumrindâs Berkeley studies on authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive parenting give this a structural backbone: warmth with clear limits predicts stronger social competence than cold control or indulgent neglect. Micro-momentsâtone at bedtime, repairing after a quarrel, whether feedback targets behavior rather than characterâaccumulate into a template for self-worth and trust. Even when adults disagree, noticing and soothing emotion becomes the model children use later with friends and partners. Children track faces, voices, and timing, absorbing both what is said and how it is handled between adults; self-aware parents turn upsets into practice reps for self-regulation and empathy. Emotional skill is taught first at home, and those early lessons govern how thinking performs under stress.
đ©č 13 â Trauma and Emotional Relearning. In 1976 in Chowchilla, California, a school bus with twenty-six children was hijacked and the victims buried in a truck; San Francisco child psychiatrist Lenore Terr followed them and documented how terror resurfaced in flashbacks and was reworked in play and dreams. She observed repetitive games that reenacted the ordealâsometimes with new, victorious endingsâshowing how children try to regain mastery. Across assaults and other man-made disasters, small cuesâthe smell of diesel, a siren, a slammed doorâcan summon full alarm, evidence that the amygdala tags fragments of sensation with danger and fires fast. In those moments arousal spikes, attention tunnels, and the body readies to flee or fight, even years later. Therapies harness that wiring: gradual exposure, relaxation, and cognitive reframing pair the trigger with safety until the fear link weakens. Children often do a version of this spontaneously through symbolic play, while adults use imaginal and in-vivo exercises to process memory and restore control. Recovery improves when people regain agency and social support; helplessness and isolation embed symptoms. Because strong emotional memories persist, good treatment seeks new routes around the alarm rather than erasure. The through-line is that emotion can be trained, and with practice the prefrontal cortex relearns how to quiet limbic surges so judgment and connection return.
đ§Ź 14 â Temperament Is Not Destiny. At Harvard, Jerome Kaganâs group tested four-month-old infants with unfamiliar sights and sounds; highly reactive babies arched, cried, and flailed, and many later showed shy, cautious behavior, while low-reactive infants more often became outgoing. The New York Longitudinal Study by Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess had already mapped âeasy,â âdifficult,â and âslow-to-warm-upâ temperaments and the importance of a âgoodness of fitâ between child and environment. Richard J. Davidsonâs EEG work added a neural signature: relatively greater left-frontal activation aligned with approach and positive mood; greater right-frontal activation aligned with withdrawal and negative affect. These biases tilt the speed and strength of amygdala alarms but do not fix character. Coaching attention, modeling calm, and practicing small, manageable exposures widen the behavioral range even for the highly reactive. Repeated mastery experiences write new associations to the same cues, so approach gets easier and avoidance loosens. Biology leans, but experience steersâespecially in the early years when circuits are most plastic. Trainable emotional skills determine how far raw temperament will carryâor limitâsomeone in school, work, and love.
V â Emotional Literacy
đž 15 â The Cost of Emotional Illiteracy. On 26 February 1992 at Thomas Jefferson High School in Brooklynâs East New York, 15-year-old Khalil Sumpter shot classmates Ian Moore, 17, and Tyrone Sinkler, 16, in a hallway shortly before Mayor David Dinkins was due to visitâan escalation from taunts to tragedy that anchors the chapterâs stakes. The narrative widens to national trend data showing that, between the mid-1970s and late 1980s, parents and teachers reported more emotional and behavioral problems among children on standardized checklists, with attention, anxiety, and conduct issues rising in tandem. The chapter links those shifts to stressors that crowd familiesâeconomic pressure, time scarcity, and fractured supervisionâwhile noting that harsh or chaotic homes amplify risk. Official crime statistics provide a sobering backdrop as juvenile arrests for violent offenses surged in the late twentieth century, underscoring how unmanaged impulse and grievance can spill into harm. Patterns split by gender: boys more often externalize through aggression, while girls more often turn distress inward toward anxiety, depression, and eating problems. Schools see the result as disrupted classrooms, falling attention, and peer dynamics organized around threat rather than trust. Yet targeted programs change trajectories: in controlled trials, John Lochmanâs school-based Anger Coping groups for referred boys cut disruptive incidents and strengthened problem-solving and self-esteem at follow-up. Weak emotional skills compound into poorer judgment, unsafe choices, and heavier social costs; teaching naming, impulse control, and empathy early can reverse that cascade and functions as a public-health lever.
đ 16 â Schooling the Emotions. A scene in a Self Science class at the Nueva Learning Center in Hillsborough, California, sets the tone: children sit in a circle, check in with a quick âmood rating,â and practice naming what they feel before tackling a problem together. Developed in the 1970s by Karen Stone McCown and colleagues, Self Science treats emotions as a subject to studyâstudents map triggers, test beliefs, and rehearse choices the way a lab group tests a hypothesis. The chapter then surveys field-tested curricula: PATHS (Promoting Alternative Thinking Strategies) by Mark Greenberg and Carol KuschĂ©, first designed for children with hearing impairments and later adapted Kâ6, uses regular short lessons to build vocabulary for feelings, self-calming routines, and perspective taking. In New York City, the Resolving Conflict Creatively Program trains teachers and peer mediators so classrooms become âput-down-free zonesâ where students practice assertiveness and de-escalation. New Havenâs districtwide Social Development program, led by researchers and educators in the late 1980s and early 1990s, embeds a Kâ12 scope and sequence so skills are reinforced year after year rather than taught once and forgotten. Across these models the mechanics are consistent: explicit instruction in recognizing emotion, structured practice in cooling down and reframing, and social problem-solving applied to real peer conflicts. Evaluations report less aggressive behavior and better classroom climate when lessons are frequent and supported by teacher coaching and family involvement. Because lower stress frees working memory, students pay attention longer and recover faster from setbacks; academic learning rides on that calmer state. When schools make these skills routine, they shift the daily emotional economy of classroomsâmore signal, less noiseâand create conditions where intellect can do its best work.
Background & reception
đïž Author & writing. Goleman is a psychologist and former New York Times science reporter; he frames emotional intelligence for general readers by weaving neuroscience with everyday cases.[7][1] The book explicitly draws on the academic construct introduced by Salovey and Mayer (1990), translating it from scholarly journals into a practical vocabulary for self-management and relationships.[2] Its organization spans five parts (from âThe Emotional Brainâ to âEmotional Literacyâ), signaling a progression from theory to application in health, education, and work.[4] Contemporary trade reviewers highlighted the accessible, reportorial voice and Golemanâs use of school and workplace examples to illustrate claims.[5]
đ Commercial reception. Goleman states that Emotional Intelligence remained on the New York Times bestseller list for 18 months, sold more than five million copies worldwide, and was issued in roughly forty languages.[7] The bookâs cross-sector resonance was later reflected in Timeââs 2011 list of the â25 Most Influential Business Management Books.â[8]
đ Praise. Publishers Weekly called the book a âhighly accessible surveyâ and âan intriguing and practical guide,â noting its concrete school and workplace illustrations (reviewed 4 September 1995).[5] Kirkus Reviews praised Golemanâs âclear, engaging styleâ and the strong case made for the importance of emotional intelligence (1 October 1995).[6] The publisher also quotes USA Today describing it as âa thoughtfully written, persuasive account,â a line that has appeared in later catalogue copy.[1]
đ Criticism. Scholars have challenged the constructâs scope and measurement: Frank J. Landy argued that EI research suffered from historical and scientific ambiguities and over-generalized claims (2005).[9] Edwin A. Locke contended that EI, as popularly defined, is not a distinct intelligence and risks becoming âso broadly defined as to be meaninglessâ (2005).[10] Methodologists have also noted heterogeneity and psychometric challenges across EI measures, urging careful use (2019 review).[11] In cultural criticism, Merve Emre argued that the bookâs managerial framing promotes a regimen of self-monitoring aligned with corporate priorities (The New Yorker, 12 April 2021).[12]
đ Impact & adoption. In management, Goleman extended the bookâs framework in the widely read Harvard Business Review article âWhat Makes a Leader?â (originally 1998; reprinted January 2004), which emphasized EI as a leadership sine qua non.[13] Corporations drew on EI models; a Johnson & Johnson multi-rater study reported that higher-performing leaders scored higher on emotional-competence clusters (2006).[14] In education, the SEL movement gained institutional footing (CASEL was formed in 1994), and educators widely cited Golemanâs book for popularizing SEL in the mid-1990s.[15][16]
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References
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- â Locke, Edwin A. (2005). "Why emotional intelligence is an invalid concept". Journal of Organizational Behavior. 26: 425â431. doi:10.1002/job.318. Retrieved 27 October 2025.
- â O'Connor, Peter J.; Hill, Alex; Kay, Sue; Martin, Brett (2019). "The Measurement of Emotional Intelligence: A Critical Review of Current Tools". Frontiers in Psychology. 10: 1116. Retrieved 27 October 2025.
- â Emre, Merve (12 April 2021). "The Repressive Politics of Emotional Intelligence". The New Yorker. Retrieved 27 October 2025.
- â "What Makes a Leader?". Harvard Business Review. January 2004. Retrieved 27 October 2025.
- â "Emotional Competence and Leadership Excellence at Johnson & Johnson: The Emotional Intelligence and Leadership Study" (PDF). Consortium for Research on Emotional Intelligence in Organizations. Retrieved 27 October 2025.
- â "Our History". CASEL. Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning. Retrieved 27 October 2025.
- â "Social and Emotional Learning: A Short History". Edutopia. 6 October 2011. Retrieved 27 October 2025.